In the struggle for African-American civil rights and equality in the USA, there were two main philosophies/strategies employed: one philosophy/strategy was exemplified by people such as Rosa Parks, SNCC (early), the Freedom Riders, and Martin Luther King, Jr. . . . passive, non-violent resistance ("turn the other cheek"); the other philosophy/strategy was exemplified by people such as Malcolm X, SNCC (later), and the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense ("an eye for an eye"). These philosophies/strategies were also employed by many other people of the USA (and world) seeking equality and civil rights, including women, Chicanos, Asian-Americans, Native Americans, and many more.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Famous Letter:
LETTER FROM BIRMINGHAM JAIL (excerpts)
April 16, 1963
MY DEAR FELLOW CLERGYMEN:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely". . . .
I think I should indicate why I am here In Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in". . . .
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds. . . .
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative. . . .
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . .
You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self-respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation. . . . The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best-known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. . . .
I wish you had commended the Negro sit-inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation. One day the South will recognize its real heroes. . . . One day the South will know that when these disinherited children of God sat down at lunch counters, they were in reality standing up for what is best in the American dream and for the most sacred values in our Judaeo-Christian heritage, thereby bringing our nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in their formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. . . .
Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood,
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Malcolm X's Famous Speech:
The Ballot or the Bullet (excerpts)
by Malcolm X
April 3, 1964
Cleveland, Ohio
. . . Black people are fed up with the dillydallying, pussyfooting, compromising approach that we've been using toward getting our freedom. We want freedom now, but we're not going to get it saying "We Shall Overcome." We've got to fight until we overcome. . . .
Our gospel is black nationalism. We're not trying to threaten the existence of any organization, but we're spreading the gospel of black nationalism. . . . Join any organization that has a gospel that's for the uplift of the black man. And when you get into it and see them pussyfooting or compromising, pull out of it because that's not black nationalism. We'll find another one.
And in this manner, the organizations will increase in number and in quantity and in quality, and by August, it is then our intention to have a black nationalist convention which will consist of delegates from all over the country who are interested in the political, economic and social philosophy of black nationalism. . . . We want to hear new ideas and new solutions and new answers. And at that time, if we see fit then to form a black nationalist party, we'll form a black nationalist party. If it's necessary to form a black nationalist army, we'll form a black nationalist army. It'll be the ballot or the bullet. It'll be liberty or it'll be death. . . .
. . . Last but not least, I must say this concerning the great controversy over rifles and shotguns. The only thing that I've ever said is that in areas where the government has proven itself either unwilling or unable to defend the lives and the property of Negroes, it's time for Negroes to defend themselves. Article number two of the constitutional amendments provides you and me the right to own a rifle or a shotgun. It is constitutionally legal to own a shotgun or a rifle. This doesn't mean you're going to get a rifle and form battalions and go out looking for white folks, although you'd be within your rights -- I mean, you'd be justified; but that would be illegal and we don't do anything illegal. If the white man doesn't want the black man buying rifles and shotguns, then let the government do its job. . . .
. . . No, if you never see me another time in your life, if I die in the morning, I'll die saying one thing: the ballot or the bullet, the ballot or the bullet. . . .
Try an MLK, Jr. video clip to get you in the mood:
Or, maybe a clip from Malcolm:
. . . and now for your homework questions (10 points, due by 11:59pm on 4/19/11, first name, last initial, class period) . . .
1) which man do you think had a more effective strategy in the struggle for African-American civil rights and equality?
2) what specific historical evidence or specific evidence from today do you have to support your answer to Q1?
3) if you had been around in the late 1950s/early 1960s, which strategy would you have supported and why? (create a plausible persona for yourself and then answer this question -- are you: male or female? age? location? race/ethnicity? occupation? etc.)
. . . oh, by the way . . . your Ch. 37-39 MC Test (~67 points) is Friday 4/15/11, and your DBQ (the last one ever in this class is Tuesday 4/19/11) . . . be sad . . . be very , very sad :-(
"Forget the Monica Lewinski debacle. She's irrelevant. Clinton was a disaster for liberals and Democrats because he was a closet Republican and was a major cause of the wealth and income gap that exists today between the rich and middle- and low-income Americans. Voters now identify his economic policies that benefitted investors and the wealthy at the expense of workers . . . ." (Source: http://www.kellysite.net/modrep.html)
